How much do social networks help agrarian households?
There
is growing evidence showing that social networks can bridge barriers in access
to information and exchange of production factors, and provision of the often
lacking public capital and insurance. In Uganda, like in many other developing
countries, the state lacks adequate capacity to fully facilitate household
access to markets for their farm produce. This is due to a combination of
limited budgets and poor governance. In such circumstances, the people rely on
their collective effort to overcome market failures and to take advantage of
market opportunities. Therefore, social network capital and group activities
play a huge role in shaping socioeconomic outcomes.
Past
studies have identified two broad concepts of social network capital. The first
concept presents social network capital as vested in norms, trust and mutual
affection and care for others that permits cooperation, facilitates collective
action and therefore leads to the provision of some sort of public goods The
second concept presents social network capital as an asset that is embedded in
formal and informal institutions of society and confers private benefits to
groups of members. Much of the current research tends to define social network
capital based on the ability to engage in some kinds of group activities where
they can exchange information.
There
are good reasons to think that social networks can reduce barriers to the
exchange of production factors. Social connections can increase trust between
individuals and important information can be exchanged. Social ties can also
reduce the risk of violation of agreements, since the violator risks losing not
only the contract but also the social connection. These are some of the ways in
which social ties are thought to lower transaction costs. However, the extent
to which social ties can offset the negative impacts of high transaction costs
for exchange of production factors is an open research question.
In
many developing countries, poor institutions mean that many such transactions
are left on the table since transaction costs are too high. For example,
property rights are often vaguely defined and contracts hard to enforce
legally. Well-functioning institutions support well-functioning markets through
low transaction costs. In these contexts, there is increasing evidence that
households instead rely on their social networks. In two recent studies Stein Holden and I examined the roles that
social capital plays in mediating economic outcomes in agrarian households.
In
one study we showed that social capita helps households to
mitigate market risk by helping rural households sell their agricultural
produce at better prices. We attribute this to the effect of social network
capital on information flow, market intelligence and collective bargaining that
enable households to negotiate for higher prices for their farm produce and therefore
avoid exploitation by the itinerant middlemen by selling at the market rather
than at the farm gate.
In
another study we showed that social capital has large
positive effects on the ability of households to rebuild their livestock assets
in the wake of some undesirable shocks. Our field discussions revealed that
this is possible because of four reasons. First, social capital acts as insurance
against the effects of shocks that could diminish a household’s stock of
livestock assets; second, social capital helps people to obtain information
about livestock investment opportunities and possibilities; third, some groups
do give out livestock in the form of rotating livestock credit schemes; fourth,
repeated interaction with group members builds trust which influences
households decisions to enter into livestock share contracts. These contracts
provide important channels through which the livestock poor households acquire
these assets.
These
findings have important policy implications for the development of effective
local level risk management institutions. In particular, supporting and
strengthening household group activities, such as farmer groups, can provide
important pathways for improving not only their resilience to shocks but also
their welfare.
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